داد

نشريه اجتماعي-اقتصادي

و پژوهشي-تاريخي

سخنراني رييس جمهور امريکا در انگستان پيرامون منطقه

برنامه هاي اقتصادي-سياسي امريکا و انگستان: بازگشت به راهکردهاي دهه ي شصت و هفتاد با تکيه به ناتو

Remarks by the Pre side nt to Parliame nt in London, Unite d Kingdom

Westminster Hall, London, United Kingdom

THE PRESIDENT: Thank y ou v ery much. Thank y ou. (Applause.)

My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of the House of Commons:

I hav e known f ew greater honors than the opportunity to address the Mother of Parliaments at

Westminster Hall. I am told that the last three speakers here hav e been the Pope, Her Majesty the Queen,

and Nelson Mandela -- which is either a v ery high bar or the beginning of a v ery f unny joke. (Laughter.)

I come here today to reaf f irm one of the oldest, one of the strongest alliances the world has ev er known.

It’s long been said that the United States and the United Kingdom share a special relationship. And since we

also share an especially activ e press corps, that relationship is of ten analy zed and ov eranaly zed f or the

slightest hint of stress or strain.

Of course, all relationships hav e their ups and downs. Admittedly , ours got of f on the wrong f oot with a

small scrape about tea and taxes. (Laughter.) There may also hav e been some hurt f eelings when the White

House was set on f ire during the War of 1812. (Laughter.) But f ortunately , it’s been smooth sailing ev er

since.

The reason f or this close f riendship doesn’t just hav e to do with our shared history , our shared heritage;

our ties of language and culture; or ev en the strong partnership between our gov ernments. Our relationship is

special because of the v alues and belief s that hav e united our people through the ages.

Centuries ago, when kings, emperors, and warlords reigned ov er much of the world, it was the English who

f irst spelled out the rights and liberties of man in the Magna Carta. It was here, in this v ery hall, where the

rule of law f irst dev eloped, courts were established, disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition their

leaders.

Ov er time, the people of this nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure

their f reedom f rom the crown. Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment, they would ultimately f orge an

English Bill of Rights, and inv est the power to gov ern in an elected parliament that’s gathered here today .

What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the continent of Europe and across the world.

But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration f rom these notions of f reedom than y our rabble-rousing colonists

on the other side of the Atlantic. As Winston Churchill said, the “…Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Habeas

Corpus, trial by jury , and English common law f ind their most f amous expression in the American Declaration

of Independence.”

For both of our nations, liv ing up to the ideals enshrined in these f ounding documents has sometimes

been dif f icult, has alway s been a work in progress. The path has nev er been perf ect. But through the

struggles of slav es and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities, f ormer colonies and persecuted religions,

we hav e learned better than most that the longing f or f reedom and human dignity is not English or American

or Western –- it is univ ersal, and it beats in ev ery heart. Perhaps that’s why there are f ew nations that stand

f irmer, speak louder, and f ight harder to def end democratic v alues around the world than the United States

and the United Kingdom.

We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold, who sacrif iced side by side to f ree a continent f rom the

march of ty ranny , and help prosperity f lourish f rom the ruins of war. And with the f ounding of NATO –- a

British idea –- we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our security f or ov er half a century .

Together with our allies, we f orged a lasting peace f rom a cold war. When the Iron Curtain lif ted, we

expanded our alliance to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, and built new bridges to Russia

and the f ormer states of the Sov iet Union. And when there was strif e in the Balkans, we worked together to

keep the peace.

Today , af ter a dif f icult decade that began with war and ended in recession, our nations hav e arriv ed at a

piv otal moment once more. A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is now stable and

recov ering. Af ter y ears of conf lict, the United States has remov ed 100,000 troops f rom Iraq, the United

Kingdom has remov ed its f orces, and our combat mission there has ended. In Af ghanistan, we’v e broken the

Taliban’s momentum and will soon begin a transition to Af ghan lead. And nearly 10 y ears af ter 9/11, we hav e

disrupted terrorist networks and dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader –- Osama bin Laden.

Together, we hav e met great challenges. But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history , prof ound

challenges stretch bef ore us. In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now inextricably linked, a new

era of cooperation is required to ensure the growth and stability of the global economy . As new threats

spread across borders and oceans, we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread of nuclear

weapons, conf ront climate change and combat f amine and disease. And as a rev olution races through the

streets of the Middle East and North Af rica, the entire world has a stake in the aspirations of a generation that

longs to determine its own destiny .

These challenges come at a time when the international order has already been reshaped f or a new

century . Countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing by leaps and bounds. We should welcome this

dev elopment, f or it has lif ted hundreds of millions f rom pov erty around the globe, and created new markets

and opportunities f or our own nations.

And y et, as this rapid change has taken place, it’s become f ashionable in some quarters to question

whether the rise of these nations will accompany the decline of American and European inf luence around the

world. Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the f uture, and the time f or our leadership has

passed.

That argument is wrong. The time f or our leadership is now. It was the United States and the United

Kingdom and our democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could emerge and indiv iduals

could thriv e. And ev en as more nations take on the responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance will

remain indispensable to the goal of a century that is more peacef ul, more prosperous and more just.

At a time when threats and challenges require nations to work in concert with one another, we remain the

greatest cataly sts f or global action. In an era def ined by the rapid f low of commerce and inf ormation, it is

our f ree market tradition, our openness, f ortif ied by our commitment to basic security f or our citizens, that

of f ers the best chance of prosperity that is both strong and shared. As millions are still denied their basic

human rights because of who they are, or what they believ e, or the kind of gov ernment that they liv e under,

we are the nations most willing to stand up f or the v alues of tolerance and self -determination that lead to

peace and dignity .

Now, this doesn’t mean we can af f ord to stand still. The nature of our leadership will need to change with

the times. As I said the f irst time I came to London as President, f or the G20 summit, the day s are gone

when Roosev elt and Churchill could sit in a room and solv e the world’s problems ov er a glass of brandy -–

although I’m sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agree that some day s we could both use a stif f drink.

(Laughter.) In this century , our joint leadership will require building new partnerships, adapting to new

circumstances, and remaking ourselv es to meet the demands of a new era.

That begins with our economic leadership.

Adam Smith’s central insight remains true today : There is no greater generator of wealth and innov ation

than a sy stem of f ree enterprise that unleashes the f ull potential of indiv idual men and women. That’s what

led to the Industrial Rev olution that began in the f actories of Manchester. That is what led to the dawn of the

Inf ormation Age that arose f rom the of f ice parks of Silicon Valley . That’s why countries like China, India and

Brazil are growing so rapidly -- because in f its and starts, they are mov ing toward market-based principles that

the United States and the United Kingdom hav e alway s embraced.

In other words, we liv e in a global economy that is largely of our own making. And today , the competition

f or the best jobs and industries f av ors countries that are f ree-thinking and f orward-looking; countries with the

most creativ e and innov ativ e and entrepreneurial citizens.

That giv es nations like the United States and the United Kingdom an inherent adv antage. For f rom

Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein, f rom Alan Turing to Stev e Jobs, we hav e led the world in our

commitment to science and cutting-edge research, the discov ery of new medicines and technologies. We

educate our citizens and train our workers in the best colleges and univ ersities on Earth. But to maintain this

adv antage in a world that’s more competitiv e than ev er, we will hav e to redouble our inv estments in science

and engineering, and renew our national commitments to educating our workf orces.

We’v e also been reminded in the last f ew y ears that markets can sometimes f ail. In the last century ,

both our nations put in place regulatory f rameworks to deal with such market f ailures -- saf eguards to protect

the banking sy stem af ter the Great Depression, f or example; regulations that were established to prev ent the

pollution of our air and water during the 1970s.

But in today ’s economy , such threats of market f ailure can no longer be contained within the borders of

any one country . Market f ailures can go global, and go v iral, and demand international responses.

A f inancial crisis that began on Wall Street inf ected nearly ev ery continent, which is why we must keep

working through f orums like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to prev ent f uture excesses and

abuse. No country can hide f rom the dangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must build on what was

achiev ed at Copenhagen and Cancun to leav e our children a planet that is saf er and cleaner.

Moreov er, ev en when the f ree market works as it should, both our countries recognize that no matter how

responsibly we liv e in our liv es, hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a lay of f may strike any one of

us. And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself in a conv iction that ev ery citizen deserv es a

basic measure of security -– health care if y ou get sick, unemploy ment insurance if y ou lose y our job, a

dignif ied retirement af ter a lif etime of hard work. That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason

f or our leadership in the world.

And now, hav ing come through a terrible recession, our challenge is to meet these obligations while

ensuring that we’re not consuming -- and hence consumed with -- a lev el of debt that could sap the strength

and v itality of our economies. And that will require dif f icult choices and it will require dif f erent paths f or both

of our countries. But we hav e f aced such challenges bef ore, and hav e alway s been able to balance the need

f or f iscal responsibility with the responsibilities we hav e to one another.

And I believ e we can do this again. As we do, the successes and f ailures of our own past can serv e as

an example f or emerging economies -– that it’s possible to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity

comes not f rom what a nation consumes, but f rom what it produces, and f rom the inv estments it makes in its

people and its inf rastructure.

And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of our citizens, so we must saf eguard their security .

Our two nations know what it is to conf ront ev il in the world. Hitler’s armies would not hav e stopped their

killing had we not f ought them on the beaches and on the landing grounds, in the f ields and on the streets.

We must nev er f orget that there was nothing inev itable about our v ictory in that terrible war. It was won

through the courage and character of our people.

Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden, we know well the cost of war. And that is why we built

an alliance that was strong enough to def end this continent while deterring our enemies. At its core, NATO is

rooted in the simple concept of Article Fiv e: that no NATO nation will hav e to f end on its own; that allies will

stand by one another, alway s. And f or six decades, NATO has been the most successf ul alliance in human

history .

Today , we conf ront a dif f erent enemy . Terrorists hav e taken the liv es of our citizens in New York and in

London. And while al Qaeda seeks a religious war with the West, we must remember that they hav e killed

thousands of Muslims -– men, women and children -– around the globe. Our nations are not and will nev er be

at war with Islam. Our f ight is f ocused on def eating al Qaeda and its extremist allies. In that ef f ort, we will

not relent, as Osama bin Laden and his f ollowers hav e learned. And as we f ight an enemy that respects no

law of war, we will continue to hold ourselv es to a higher standard -– by liv ing up to the v alues, the rule of law

and due process that we so ardently def end.

For almost a decade, Af ghanistan has been a central f ront of these ef f orts. Throughout those y ears,

y ou, the British people, hav e been a stalwart ally , along with so many others who f ight by our side.

Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who hav e serv ed and sacrif iced ov er the last

sev eral y ears -– f or they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who hav e borne the heav iest burden f or the

f reedoms that we enjoy . Because of them, we hav e broken the Taliban’s momentum. Because of them, we

hav e built the capacity of Af ghan security f orces. And because of them, we are now preparing to turn a

corner in Af ghanistan by transitioning to Af ghan lead. And during this transition, we will pursue a lasting peace

with those who break f ree of al Qaeda and respect the Af ghan constitution and lay down arms. And we will

ensure that Af ghanistan is nev er a saf e hav en f or terror, but is instead a country that is strong, sov ereign,

and able to stand on its own two f eet.

Indeed, our ef f orts in this y oung century hav e led us to a new concept f or NATO that will giv e us the

capabilities needed to meet new threats -- threats like terrorism and piracy , cy ber attacks and ballistic

missiles. But a rev italized NATO will continue to hew to that original v ision of its f ounders, allowing us to rally

collectiv e action f or the def ense of our people, while building upon the broader belief of Roosev elt and

Churchill that all nations hav e both rights and responsibilities, and all nations share a common interest in an

international architecture that maintains the peace.

We also share a common interest in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Across the globe, nations

are locking down nuclear materials so they nev er f all into the wrong hands -- because of our leadership. From

North Korea to Iran, we’v e sent a message that those who f launt their obligations will f ace consequences -–

which is why America and the European Union just recently strengthened our sanctions on Iran, in large part

because of the leadership of the United Kingdom and the United States. And while we hold others to account,

we will meet our own obligations under the Non-Prolif eration Treaty , and striv e f or a world without nuclear

weapons.

We share a common interest in resolv ing conf licts that prolong human suf f ering and threaten to tear whole

regions asunder. In Sudan, af ter y ears of war and thousands of deaths, we call on both North and South to

pull back f rom the brink of v iolence and choose the path of peace. And in the Middle East, we stand united in

our support f or a secure Israel and a sov ereign Palestine.

And we share a common interest in dev elopment that adv ances dignity and security . To succeed, we

must cast aside the impulse to look at impov erished parts of the globe as a place f or charity . Instead, we

should empower the same f orces that hav e allowed our own people to thriv e: We should help the hungry to

f eed themselv es, the doctors who care f or the sick. We should support countries that conf ront corruption,

and allow their people to innov ate. And we should adv ance the truth that nations prosper when they allow

women and girls to reach their f ull potential.

We do these things because we believ e not simply in the rights of nations; we believ e in the rights of

citizens. That is the beacon that guided us through our f ight against f ascism and our twilight struggle against

communism. And today , that idea is being put to the test in the Middle East and North Af rica. In country

af ter country , people are mobilizing to f ree themselv es f rom the grip of an iron f ist. And while these

mov ements f or change are just six months old, we hav e seen them play out bef ore -– f rom Eastern Europe

to the Americas, f rom South Af rica to Southeast Asia.

History tells us that democracy is not easy . It will be y ears bef ore these rev olutions reach their

conclusion, and there will be dif f icult day s along the way . Power rarely giv es up without a f ight -– particularly

in places where there are div isions of tribe and div isions of sect. We also know that populism can take

dangerous turns -– f rom the extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority rights, to the

nationalism that lef t so many scars on this continent in the 20th century .

But make no mistake: What we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing

f or the same f reedoms that we take f or granted here at home. It was a rejection of the notion that people in

certain parts of the world don’t want to be f ree, or need to hav e democracy imposed upon them. It was a

rebuke to the worldv iew of al Qaeda, which smothers the rights of indiv iduals, and would thereby subject them

to perpetual pov erty and v iolence.

Let there be no doubt: The United States and United Kingdom stand squarely on the side of those who

long to be f ree. And now, we must show that we will back up those words with deeds. That means inv esting

in the f uture of those nations that transition to democracy , starting with Tunisia and Egy pt -– by deepening

ties of trade and commerce; by helping them demonstrate that f reedom brings prosperity . And that means

standing up f or univ ersal rights -– by sanctioning those who pursue repression, strengthening civ il society ,

supporting the rights of minorities.

We do this knowing that the West must ov ercome suspicion and mistrust among many in the Middle East

and North Af rica -– a mistrust that is rooted in a dif f icult past. For y ears, we’v e f aced charges of hy pocrisy

f rom those who do not enjoy the f reedoms that they hear us espouse. And so to them, we must squarely

acknowledge that, y es, we hav e enduring interests in the region -– to f ight terror, sometimes with partners

who may not be perf ect; to protect against disruptions of the world’s energy supply . But we must also insist

that we reject as f alse the choice between our interests and our ideals; between stability and democracy . For

our idealism is rooted in the realities of history -– that repression of f ers only the f alse promise of stability ,

that societies are more successf ul when their citizens are f ree, and that democracies are the closest allies we

hav e.

It is that truth that guides our action in Liby a. It would hav e been easy at the outset of the crackdown in

Liby a to say that none of this was our business -– that a nation’s sov ereignty is more important than the

slaughter of civ ilians within its borders. That argument carries weight with some. But we are dif f erent. We

embrace a broader responsibility . And while we cannot stop ev ery injustice, there are circumstances that cut

through our caution -– when a leader is threatening to massacre his people, and the international community is

calling f or action. That’s why we stopped a massacre in Liby a. And we will not relent until the people of Liby a

are protected and the shadow of ty ranny is lif ted.

We will proceed with humility , and the knowledge that we cannot dictate ev ery outcome abroad.

Ultimately , f reedom must be won by the people themselv es, not imposed f rom without. But we can and must

stand with those who so struggle. Because we hav e alway s believ ed that the f uture of our children and

grandchildren will be better if other people’s children and grandchildren are more prosperous and more f ree -–

f rom the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi. That is our interests and our ideals. And if we

f ail to meet that responsibility , who would take our place, and what kind of world would we pass on?

Our action -– our leadership -– is essential to the cause of human dignity . And so we must act -– and lead

-– with conf idence in our ideals, and an abiding f aith in the character of our people, who sent us all here

today .

For there is one f inal quality that I believ e makes the United States and the United Kingdom indispensable

to this moment in history . And that is how we def ine ourselv es as nations.

Unlike most countries in the world, we do not def ine citizenship based on race or ethnicity . Being

American or British is not about belonging to a certain group; it’s about believ ing in a certain set of ideals --

the rights of indiv iduals, the rule of law. That is why we hold incredible div ersity within our borders. That’s

why there are people around the world right now who believ e that if they come to America, if they come to

New York, if they come to London, if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our f lag and call

themselv es Americans; if they come to England, they can make a new lif e f or themselv es and can sing God

Sav e The Queen just like any other citizen.

Yes, our div ersity can lead to tension. And throughout our history there hav e been heated debates about

immigration and assimilation in both of our countries. But ev en as these debates can be dif f icult, we

f undamentally recognize that our patchwork heritage is an enormous strength -- that in a world which will only

grow smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations say s it is possible f or people to be

united by their ideals, instead of div ided by their dif f erences; that it’s possible f or hearts to change and old

hatreds to pass; that it’s possible f or the sons and daughters of f ormer colonies to sit here as members of

this great Parliament, and f or the grandson of a Keny an who serv ed as a cook in the British Army to stand

bef ore y ou as President of the United States. (Applause.)

That is what def ines us. That is why the y oung men and women in the streets of Damascus and Cairo

still reach f or the rights our citizens enjoy , ev en if they sometimes dif f er with our policies. As two of the

most powerf ul nations in the history of the world, we must alway s remember that the true source of our

inf luence hasn’t just been the size of our economies, or the reach of our militaries, or the land that we’v e

claimed. It has been the v alues that we must nev er wav er in def ending around the world -- the idea that all

beings are endowed by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied.

That is what f orged our bond in the f ire of war -- a bond made manif est by the f riendship between two of

our greatest leaders. Churchill and Roosev elt had their dif f erences. They were keen observ ers of each

other’s blind spots and shortcomings, if not alway s their own, and they were hard-headed about their ability to

remake the world. But what joined the f ates of these two men at that particular moment in history was not

simply a shared interest in v ictory on the battlef ield. It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human

f reedom and human dignity -– a conv iction that we hav e a say in how this story ends.

This conv iction liv es on in their people today . The challenges we f ace are great. The work bef ore us is

hard. But we hav e come through a dif f icult decade, and whenev er the tests and trials ahead may seem too

big or too many , let us turn to their example, and the words that Churchill spoke on the day that Europe was

f reed:

“In the long y ears to come, not only will the people of this island but…the world, wherev er the bird of

f reedom chirps in [the] human heart, look back to what we’v e done, and they will say ‘do not despair, do not

y ield…march straightf orward’.”

With courage and purpose, with humility and with hope, with f aith in the promise of tomorrow, let us march

straightf orward together, enduring allies in the cause of a world that is more peacef ul, more prosperous, and

more just.

Thank y ou v ery much. (Applause

برگرفته از سايت اوباما